422 7be HISTORY of tbe PuRITANs. VoL. II. Common- and. doing all other ads of fovercignty without confent of the people; all w~tlth. wluch they defigned to perpetuate among themfelves, without being ac- ~ countable to any fuperior, or giving place to a new body of reprefentatives; If then it be inquired, what right or authority general Cromwell and his officers had to offer violence to this parliament, it may be replied, I. the right of felf-prefervation, the ruin of one or the other being unavoidable. 2. The right that every englijh man has to put an end to an ufurpation when it is in his power, provided he can fubftitute fomething better in its room; and if Cromwell cou ld by this method have reftored the conftitu– tion, and referred the fettlement of the government to a free and full repre– fentative of the people, no wife man would have blameEI him. It was not therefore his turning out the old parliament that was criminal, but his .p. 88. not fummoning a new one, by a fair and free election of the people ; and yet Mr. Rapin is of opinion, that even this was impracticable, there being three oppofite interefis in the nation; the republicans, who were for an abfolute commonwealth; the presb)'teriam, who were for reftoring things to the condition they were in , in 1 64S. and the cavaliers, who were for fitting the king upon the throne, as before the civil wars; it was by no means poilible (fays he) to reconcile the three parties, and if they had been let loofe they would have defiroyed each other, and thrown the whole nation into blood and confufion; nothing therefore but giving a forcible fuperiority to one, was capable to hold the other two in fubjection, Ib. p. 149· The king was no way interefted in the change, for it was not Charles Stuart, but arepublican l!forpation that was difpo!fdfed oLthe fupreme power, If thegeneral had failed in his delign , and loft his life in the attempt, the king would have 1:eceived no manner of advantage, for the nation was by no means difpofed to reftore him at this time. Suppofing then it was not practicable tochoofe a ft·ee parliament, nor fit to let the cld one perpetuate themfelves, Oliver Crom1vell had no other choice, but to abandon the ftate, or to take the adminiflration upon himfelf; or put it into the hands of feme other perfon who had no better title. How far private ambition took place of the public good in the choice, muft: be left to the judg– ment of every reader; but if it was neceffary that there fhonld be a.fu– premeauthority, capable of enforcing obedience, it ~annot be de~ied, but that general Cromwell was more capable of govemmg the ftate In fuch a ftorm, than any man then living. No objetlion can be raifed againft him, which might not with more juflice have been urged againft any other fingle perfon, or body of men in the nation, except the right heir. How– ever, all the three parties of cavaliers, presbyterians, and republicans, were difpleafed with his conduct, loaded him with invectives, and form– ed confpiracies againft his perfon, though they could never agree in any .other.fcheme, which in the prefent crifis was more practicable. The
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